Although located only five kilometers from the municipal center of Hojancha, the indigenous community of Matambu has many distinct characteristics and does not follow the agrarian pattern of the rest of the county. Matambu is characterized by its moderate slope, high population density (approximately 100 people/km²) and very small farms (two to three hectares). The most common production system is manual sowing of basic grains with few inputs and a limited number of animals such as one or two pigs and a few chickens. The origins of the Matambu community are unclear. Although the community has been declared an indigenous reserve, the degree to which they are indeed indians is debated. Not all of the people of the community nor of the nearby communities agree that they are Indians.

Nevertheless they do maintain strong Indian facial characteristics and some activities such as the fabrication of ceramics. During a town meeting and subsequent conversations, I noticed that those with whom I spoke clearly identified themselves as indigenous people.

Unlike other communities Matambu was well‑structured during the migration wave from the central valley during the 1950s. Perhaps due to this and its high population density its production systems were not transformed like other Guanacaste communities where the original inhabitants and production systems were replaced. In Matambu a marked process of social differentiation has not been produced and the dominant characteristic is small farms oriented to crop production (basic grains). Given the small size of their farms, farmers of Matambu did not develop cattle ranching.

Due to this small farm size, the farm cannot support the entire family. Contrary to other zones where children collaborate in farm activities, in Matambu there is not enough work. Many children temporarily migrate to other zones of the country in order to secure jobs. During the 1970s many people from Matambu migrated. However now, according to one community leader, the emigration rate has dropped. Before a farmer would abandon his land thinking it was infertile. But now with better production techniques they are making their land more productive. These farmers, whose limiting factor is the amount of land available, are quite open to intensification.

Many community members complain of the unequal distribution of land. They argue that many of the “white people” have bought up much of the land.

Creation of group

Traditionally the women of Matambu have been economically active. Many women sell corn products, fruits or small animals in nearby markets. One member of the community, Don Victor Manuel, noted that the women were travelling too much and too far and selling their produce too cheaply. He visited many of the women and suggested that they organize themselves. Don Victor Manuel proceeded to organize a meeting with the women to discuss the possibility of creating some type of women’s organization. Thirty‑six women appeared at the meeting. During this time, the organization was an informal women’s group. But in May 1984 they made the group into a sociedad anonima. After a short period many of the women became disillusioned and left the organization. By the time they formed the sociedad anonima only 14 women remained in the group. Most quit since they were not accustomed to working with groups, were quite old or thought it was too much work. Don Victor, who at the time was a municipal alderman, suggested that they make a proposal to the Corporación Costarricense de Desarrollo (CODESA) for a loan. Victor suggested they go through CODESA since he heard of them through another project. The women contacted CODESA who in turn suggested they construct a bakery since at the time none existed in the area. CODESA accepted their proposal, offered them a loan of 300,000 colones in order to construct the bakery and promised them some type of transportation. Under the terms of the loan the women were given a one‑year grace period with 12% annual interest and were required to make monthly payments of 6,000 colones. The women started building their bakery in August 1984 and finished in January 1985 (Figure 12, 13 and 14). According to Don Victor Manuel the women worked hard and admirably to construct the building. Whereas skilled labor did most of the work the women helped when they could in activities such as hauling sand. Shortly after they completed the bakery the women suffered their first misfortune: their stove collapsed. The women blamed it on CODESA engineers and broke off with CODESA and borrowed only 240,000 of the promised 300,000 colones. Because of the collapse of the stove the women have temporarily suspended payment on the loan until the matter is resolved. The social service office (IMAS) donated 30,000 colones to the women to buy a corn mill. However the mill sits in the bakery unused since they there is no electricity in Matambu.

They women received a six‑hectare plot of land from the Agrarian Development Institute (IDA). They planted this with corn which they would sell and use in their baked goods. They lost almost their entire first crop due to the drought. The group was getting poor support from the community since the sociedad anonima status made them look like a profit‑making organization of little value to the community. Therefore on 2 February 1985 they formed a cooperative called COOPEMATAMBU R.L. and became federated with the National Institute for Cooperative Promotion (INFOCOOP). INFOCOOP gave them talks for eight months on administering coops. The co‑op follows the standard guidelines of all co‑ops. They hold meetings every two weeks and a general assembly once a year. Currently there are 12 members in the co‑op. They have closed the group to new members since there is very little work to do and many debts to pay. Normally the women will work two to three days per week from seven in the morning to two in the afternoon. If someone can’t work during their assigned time they must send a substitute or receive a pay reduction

Establishment of forest plantation

The cost of providing fuelwood for the oven began to greatly reduce the women’s profit (Figure 15). They were paying 500 colones per cart and buying about 24 carts a year for a total of 12,000 colones annually. Therefore the women decided to establish a forest plantation and produce their own fuelwood. They did not see the plantation only in terms of fuelwood but also as a future investment given the value of the timber and for conservation purposes. They bought a three‑hectare plot adjoining the bakery for 240,000 colones (Figure 16). The money for the land came from following sources: CONAI 120,000 colones; the French aid mission, 100,000 colones; and the women themselves 20,000 colones. On 3 July 1985 they planted 1700 trees on one hectare of the three‑hectare plot. The group planted the fast‑growing exotic Gmelina arborea. None of the women had ever used Gmelina as fuelwood. When asked why they chose the tree they said because it grew fast and because a forester recommended it. The forestry projects in Hojancha are widely promoting Gmelina plantations because of its fast growth and multiple use. A plantation will reach harvest stage in 12 years. Among its multiple uses are timber, fuelwood, telephone poles and fence posts. The women have encountered no major problems in managing the plantation. Local foresters have been quite impressed with the growth of the plantation and the women’s care of it. The administrator of CACH says on a scale of 0 to 100 he would give the co‑op’s plantation a 95. He says the women have taken excellent care of it and are always on top of its administration.

Technical assistance

None of the women had previous experience in managing a forest plantation. But they have received an adequate amount of technical assistance from various institutions. Before they established the plantation the co‑op’s general manager, Libia, participated in a three‑day seminar for forestry promoters in April of 1985. The sponsor of the seminar, the CACH, selected leaders of communities who could possibly be local forestry promoters. Nine people were selected; Libia was the only woman who participated. The seminar covered such topics as erosion and deforestation, tree nurseries, plantations, forest utilization and CACH’s credit program for reforestation. The participants were also taken to a number of field trips to plantations in the area and CACH facilities. The co‑op relies on frequent visits by extensionists. A female peace corps volunteer working with CACH helped the women greatly during the plantation’s initial phases. The peace corps volunteer, a forester, organized a field day at the plantation in February of 1986. Many of the women assisted and learned of thinnings, fuelwood utilization, use of the products of the thinnings, curing wood and chainsaw use.

The forest extensionist from CACH and the MADELEÑA forester also visit the parcel periodically. The co‑op also has received technical assistance from the Institute of Agrarian Development (IDA), the national institute of learning, and the University of Costa Rica. The women feel that the technical assistance they have received has been quite adequate. Nevertheless as the plantation enters its third year they do express interest in learning more about thinning. Also they would like to know of other species besides Gmelina that they could plant of the remaining two hectares they own.

Credit

In 1985 the cooperative signed an agreement with CACH for credit based on funds from CORENA and IAF for reforestation. Under the terms of the loan the women would receive up to 40,000 colones per hectare that they would reforest at an interest rate of 8% and for a maximum period of 12 years. Although they were entitled to 40,000 colones they only took 32,000 since they didn’t need the rest. Libia, the co‑op’s general manager, became the guarantor of the money. The women used the 32,000 colon loan to buy seedlings from CACH, buy fertilizers, pay labor to clear the brush, and fix fences. CACH’s administrator says the women are on schedule with the interest payments and that CACH has had no problem with the women.

Market/profit

Although the women have overcome great obstacles during their first two years, to date they have been unable to make the co‑op a profitable venture. In 1985 their net revenue was 39,000 colones; in 1986 it was 43,000; in 1987 (until July) they had no revenue. They suffered a loss of 60,000 colones in 1986 when a drought destroyed their corn crop. Currently they have no capital to invest and are looking for further loans. In the summer of 1987 they were working very little in the bakery mainly because they had no transportation that was needed to market their goods in nearby population centers. Also a bakery was established in Monte Romo thus creating direct competition. The bakery in Monte Romo has a truck to deliver the goods. The women have considered hiring a taxi but feel this would greatly reduce their profits. They would prefer to avoid intermediaries which they feel is against the idea of co‑ops. They are looking hoping to find someone who will donate a car to them. However none of them know how to drive. They hope that one of the co‑op’s younger members who is now studying in San José can learn to drive.

Members

1. Libia Aguirre. Co‑op’s general manager. 43 years old. Divorced. Head of household. Has one 13‑year‑old son and an adopted one‑year old son. Has a small parcel, but doesn’t farm it since it is full of rocks and she likes the trees. Her ex‑husband gives her child support and she also sells pigs and chickens at the market. Elected manager because she isn’t afraid to speak out in front of others.
2. Ilda Cortes Obregon. President. 23. Single. Three children. Gets financial help from mother and brother. Raises small animals. Wants to leave area, maybe to the banana zone.
3. Teresa Perez Perez. Vice president. 37. Married. Four children. Husband has a small piece of land. He is jealous and resists her participation in the co‑op since he feels that a liberated woman will fool around.
4. Lucimilda Villagre. Secretary. 19. Single. No children. Supported by her parents. Now getting a high school degree in San José.
5. Rafaela Aguirre Mendoza. 1st vocal. 36. Married. Five children. Landless. Joined co‑op because her family needed employment since they were without land. Husband supports her work in the co‑op. He migrates to the Atlantic coast to work on banana plantations.
6. Desmasia Aleman. 2nd vocal. 29. Single, never married. Five children. Receives support from parents. Sells fruit.
7. Victoria Perez. President, vigilance committee. 57. Married. Twelve children. Husband has plot from IDA. Need extra income for number of children. Husband supports her participation in co‑op. Doesn’t participate much since she has poor eyesight.
8. Maritza Villagra. 16. Single. No children. Receives support from parents.
9. Concepcion Aguirre. 49. Married. Six children. Husband is Don Victor Manuel who suggested the creation of the group. Illiterate.
10. Marta Iris Aleman Perez. 19. Single, never married. No children. Now working in San José.
11. Margarita Villagre. 29. Single. Five children. Head of household. Homeless. Receives 2,000 colon monthly pension for children. Doesn’t have parents. Very poor.
12. Diagnasia Porras Lopez. 24. Married. No children. Landless. Husband works with group.

Observations

Like most cooperatives COOPEMATAMBU has met a great number of obstacles during its formative years. But despite these obstacles the women have continued to work hard and are dedicated to their cooperative. Perhaps the greatest factor leading toward their relative success is the strong leadership by Libia Aguirre. Her contacts with outside institution have enabled the women to get a large number of the loans and donations. She is an intelligent, enthusiastic and motivated woman. Many people in the community criticize her for her domineering style and also suggest that all she has done for the cooperative is in self‑ interest. Whether this is true or not is irrelevant. It becomes apparent that without the strong leadership of Libia the group would not have survived for three years. Many of the women have become disillusioned the past year due to the lack of revenue and suggest leaving the cooperative. But many indicated that they will continue with the cooperative for the “sake of the cooperative.”

The cooperative has met some resistance from the Asociacion de Desarrollo in Matambu. Libia claims that they are very “machistas” and Don Victor Manuel says that there was a communist in the association that was creating problems for the women. It appears that the association wanted to build a health center next to the bakery. The women fought the plan saying that it was inappropriate to have a health center with its ill people next to a bakery. There was a great deal of community division regarding the issue but in the end the center was not built. The association recently elected a new board of directors who have been more favorable toward the co‑op. The division of the community between political party lines is quite strong and creates the basis for many of the conflicts between the community and the cooperative.

The greatest problems that lies ahead for the cooperative is to settle their transportation problem and open up new markets for the baked goods. Member enthusiasm is now quite low and the co‑op must revitalize the enthusiasm by generating revenue. In 1988 the co‑op can begin to thin their plantation and will be able to sell fuelwood and posts. Another minor problem the women face is the lack of electricity. They have several pieces of electricity‑run equipment which could greatly increase production but until they get electricity they are forced to mill corn and kneed dough by hand. A potential problem could arise when the women begin to use the Gmelina as fuelwood. Gmelina is an exotic species and none of the women have used it for fuelwood. It’s quite possible that it will not burn quite to the women’s satisfaction and they will return to buying fuelwood.

There appears to be no strong gender‑based problems with the cooperative. Although most women have children and houses to tend they find time to participate. “It’s just a matter of organizing your time,” Libia says. Likewise there appears to be no discrimination against the group by the forestry projects. The cooperative members have been quite content with the assistance they have received. And the forestry projects have been impressed with the quality of the work of the women. The administrator of CACH says they’re hard workers, careful managers and anticipate well the problems they might encounter.